優績主義是罪魁禍首嗎？

對於社會的政治極化，兩黨和美國選民將繼續尋找原因及解藥。如果我們拋開文化意識層麵的身份政治路線，在物質經濟層麵尋找極化的原因，將會是怎樣一番景象。哈佛大學的桑德爾教授、普林斯頓大學的凱斯和迪頓教授夫婦、耶魯大學的馬科維茨教授、加利福尼亞州大學伯克利分校的霍赫希爾德教授分別出版了幾部相當有影響力的著作，不約而同探討了美國社會深層次的不平等現象及其原因，都將矛頭指向了引領美國主流社會意識半個世紀的優績主義（Meritocracy）。他們並不是代表民主黨派做出反省，因為優績主義幾乎是美國社會曾經的共識，時至今日，知識界對於美國社會底層的呐喊做出了回應，認為美國應該重新塑造一種更加平等的價值觀和分配觀，讓人們在工作和尊嚴之間尋找到更好的平衡點，從而讓社會從可怕的極化中恢複平靜。

美國是高度發達的資本主義國家，無論是商界、產業界、金融界和政界，都充斥著精英治國的理念。製造業逐漸退出美國舞台之後，取而代之的是科技和金融產業，高端服務業和產品的終端讓美國的財富獲得了極大的增加，推動這一路線的正是優績主義理念。特朗普之前的總統已經成為各界精英人士的典型，即使出身一般的黑人總統奧巴馬，在任內也是優績主義的鼓吹手，他自己本身就是哈佛校園裏走出來的精英分子。久而久之，美國人開始看到一個堅不可摧但極不平等的體係，仿佛在經濟和政治上獲得絕大部分利益的群體都是精英人士，領導這個階層的人物如果不是出身名門望族，那也得是頂尖大學的象牙塔裏出來的專業人士，以華爾街為代表的專業分工體係已經將基本的行業術語都搞得普通人聽不懂了，在西海岸的新貴矽穀科技圈，還有很多來自異國他鄉的高學曆精英人士掌控著全世界的各種話語平台，這一切已和美國的平民社會無關。在現在美國的上市公司利潤結構中，金融業占據第一位，信息技術產業占據第二位，工業隻能占到大約7%的比例。以服務業為主的財富聚集地多數圍繞著波士頓、紐約、西雅圖等高貴都市圈，高科技產業圍繞著加利福尼亞州的舊金山、洛杉磯和矽穀地區、聖地亞哥等地，而這些地方在選舉時都是民主黨的票倉，剩下的地區，成為共和黨的票源之地，這在很大程度上說明政治上的極化與經濟上的不平等已經掛上了鉤。自然，選民就會去尋找導致不平等的背後因素，於是被兩黨精英階層和知識階層鼓吹的優績主義就成了宣泄不滿的渠道。(44)

美國統治階級的優績主義思維不僅在美國國內占據主導，而且他們將這套標準與全球化牢牢捆綁在了一起。全球化給優績主義這種思想帶來了相當豐厚的回報，讓美國的精英感覺到自己不僅身處美國金字塔的頂端，而且也在全球經濟生態鏈的頂端，可以用最小的付出獲得最大的收獲。(45)優績主義鼓勵能者多得、贏者通吃的規則，於是美國的精英階層和第三世界的精英達成了關於利潤分配的默契，在此基礎上建立了全球的分工格局。帶著這種思想烙印的全球分工隻會加劇全球不平等的程度。因為資本收入在整體價值中的比例越來越高，而勞動力和基本技能變得越來越無足輕重，所以美國資本家要做的事情就是一直在全球尋找低價勞動力的替代國，以便在一個國家獲得政策上的阻礙時可以立刻轉移產地。這種分工就是優績主義的典型邏輯產物，美國掌握著最大的優績資源—高科技創新和高等院校，產業鏈的下遊在勞動力相對廉價的國家，很明顯環境汙染和生態惡化也在這些國家，甚至在美國國內也是這種邏輯的結果，中西部地區製造業集中的地區也麵臨著生態環境的惡化以及人們健康水平受到明顯影響。再加上這樣的全球分工格局並沒有使美國的中產階級以及中下階級獲得更多的收益，卻讓美國的精英階層獲得了更多的份額，這就使得中產以下的廣大階層產生了憤怒，社會階層之間的張力也隨之變大，進而集中在2016年的大選中反映出來了。

人們普遍認為，特朗普成功的主要因素之一就是他堅定的反精英主義。特朗普確實是這麽做的，但原因在於民主黨和共和黨在21世紀以來發生的角色互換。無論是在國內還是國際議題上，民主黨在美國民眾心目中越來越脫離勞工階級轉而成為一個優績主義導向的精英政黨，這一點就連民主黨陣營的進步主義勢力也已經看透了，更別說廣大中下層的白人工人階級群體。2020年代表民主黨贏得大選的拜登是36年來黨內第一位沒有常春藤大學學位的總統。在克林頓和奧巴馬的總統任期內，美國依靠科技和創新牢牢地控製了全球化的進程，四處展現著美國的國家競爭力，將民主黨華麗地塑造成精英、自我、賢能的對知識界具有強大號召力的技術型政黨。在優績主義理念方麵，民主黨的當權派相比較而言與共和黨的當權派更談得來，典型的代表人物就是曾經在2012年代表共和黨參選總統的羅姆尼。羅姆尼就是資本精英的代表，他被標榜為美國政壇最典型的“精致的利己主義者”，他的觀點與特朗普主義主導的共和黨格格不入，幾乎到了“逢特必反”的地步，一般參議院對重大問題進行表決的時候，媒體都會去試探他的態度，仿佛他就是天然會背叛共和黨的那一位參議員，隻要他的觀點偏向共和黨，那麽其他所有共和黨參議員的投票好像就已經水落石出了。

兩黨當權派通過優績主義與精英階層黏合在一起，形成牢固的利益共同體，打倒這個強大的利益集團成了特朗普2016年競選過程中反複呐喊的戰鬥口號。看到這樣的口號，共和黨內部的當權勢力發起了一場“Never Trump Movement”（永不特朗普運動），旨在阻擋特朗普成為總統。(46)除了猶他州參議員羅姆尼以外，眾議員切尼成為這場運動的堅定領導者，她在任何場合都反對特朗普，聲明將盡自己的一切努力阻止特朗普當選。在2021年5月被眾議院共和黨議員集體投票罷免領導職務之後，切尼立即公開表示她將繼續反對特朗普，並會盡最大努力阻止他再次參選美國總統。正如民主黨內激進派和當權派的矛盾一樣，共和黨內隨著特朗普主義的蔓延，黨內大資本家集團、軍工集團等派係與特朗普集團將會有著極為血腥的廝殺，2022年中期選舉將會成為兵家必爭之地，很快更為重要的2024年大選也會來臨，被兩黨的各大派係拉伸到極限的美國社會政治光譜又將承受考驗，政治鬥爭也將會越來越白熱化。

畢竟美國是世界上最富裕、綜合國力最強的國家，彌漫著精英氣氛的民主黨自然對價值問題更有興趣，他們對身份政治和文化多元主義議題投入了大量的精力。以至於拜登在當選總統後表示美國最大的敵人是白人至上主義和全球變暖，並強調要徹底解決美國的係統性種族主義問題。而這正是特朗普一直猛攻民主黨、激起國內中下層選民憤懣的地方。隻要雙方在一些事關美國社會收入分配、醫療保障等問題上的關注點漸行漸遠，那麽未來很長時間內美國的政治極化現象不但不會改善，反而會醞釀更大的危機。說到底，優績主義到底不是導致美國極化的原因，導致優績主義失去立足點的社會因素才是原因。兩黨都有社會精英，都有利益集團的影子，如果精英階層互相之間不願意妥協，未來美國民眾不但會對美國的公共政策失望，更會逐漸對美國的政治製度失去信任，美國將會越來越動**，這種內政上的動**甚至會深刻地影響國際政治與經濟格局的變化。

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